Land activism UK

Community ownership is a broad term that refers to shared ownership and decision making over local assets, resources, or services, typically for the purpose of ensuring economic, cultural, and social benefits for its users. The forms of community ownership and concepts about what constitutes “ownership” are diverse and depend greatly on context. However, generally in cases of community ownership, the word “community” generally refers to people on the ground, rather than governments or the ruling class. Contemporary community ownership has developed as an alternative to the gradual enclosure and privatization of land and resources, and renewed to address emerging issues such as digitization.

The stewardship of collectively held resources by communities for shared benefit and survival dates back to early human settlements around agricultural or spiritual sites. In these early days the idea of personal “ownership” extended to personal belongings, such as tools, whereas land was treated as a communal resource and land-based activities (such as food production) were directed towards collective benefit. Concepts of land ownership, control, and conquest spread through with the Roman Empire, and were increasingly replicated by a growing ruling class, monarchs and religious institutions. Since then, globally the enclosure and privatization of land has become common, with a marked acceleration of privatization beginning during the Industrial Revolution and the rise of capitalism.

In response, in recent centuries community ownership has become a means to protect and secure local control over community resources, and resist land and resource enclosure privatization, growing inequality, poverty, and wealth and ownership gaps. Regions around the world have particular histories and relationships with forms of community ownership and governance which greatly influence the nature of community ownership projects. For example, community ownership initiatives in the United States may draw on long histories of Indigenous traditional economics and ways of being, Black cooperativism, community organizing and other forms of solidarity economics.

Community ownership has many diverse forms, which are strongly influenced by both the initiative's objectives and its cultural and regulatory context. For example, in the United States, community ownership efforts may seek to respond to one or more of the following in the design of the project: 1) the theft and subsequent development of Indigenous land; 2) post-industrialization displacement due to gentrification, industrial and urban development, and environmental disasters such as climate change and pollution; 3) the theft of land held by African American families and farmers as well as their subsequent exclusion from ownership opportunities due to racial discrimination (such as redlining) and predatory lending practices, including price discrimination; and 4) the increasing cost and inaccessibility of land for housing, agriculture, and space for shared community resources such as parks, gardens, and gathering areas.

Woodin et al. (2010) propose the following as a broader categorization of some of the most common forms that community ownership can take.

• Common and customary ownership. This form is also sometimes termed as a commons, referring to community resources governed through defined stewardship customs and agreements. This form includes early approaches to communal stewardship that was directly connected to livelihoods. These instances of common or customary ownership may lack formal or legal owners, but still secure open access to a collectively held resource. Some examples include common land, forests, and water sources.
• Cooperatives and mutuals. These are entities (often legally recognized) that bring together an association of members to meet community needs through a democratically controlled enterprise or entity. Key characteristics of cooperatives are that they are linked by a set of principles, and that they are democratically governed and jointly owned by their users. Different types of cooperatives may have different names depending on their context and country, but common names and types include producer cooperatives, savings cooperatives, worker cooperatives, social cooperatives, consumer cooperatives, housing cooperatives, and multi-stakeholder cooperatives. Examples of cooperatives include Mondragon Corporation, Cooperative Home Care Associates, Organic Valley, COOPELESCA, and many more.
• Community ownership. This is a broad category encompassing many forms of local efforts to bring resources or assets under community control in order to meet community needs. Components of community ownership may include legal ownership, varying forms of governance including voting, community decision power, and financial benefits (such as locally accruing revenues). Examples include the community ownership of land, such as community land trusts and real estate investment trusts, as well as the shared ownership of other assets, such as community equity endowments and democratic investment funds. Examples of this include the Boston Ujima Project Inc. and the Sogorea Te' Land Trust. Community ownership can also be extended to community based services, such as the provision of decentralized renewable energy such as LUMAMA, a community-based and owned solar mini-grid in Tanzania.

With increased digitization, community ownership of intangible assets, such as data, information, knowledge, and culture, has also taken on new relevance. Within the digital realm, market concentration, digital exclusion, insufficient data governance and erosion of self-determination are some concerns that forms of digital community ownership seeks to address.

Forms of community ownership described above, such as a commons or a cooperative, can also be used to secure community control of digital assets. Some examples of this include:

• Digital commons, which, much like the commons approach described above, seek to respond to the increasing enclosure and commodification of knowledge by securing the lasting availability and democratic control of information, culture, and knowledge that is created and/or maintained online. The enclosure or commodification of digital knowledge is implemented and regulated in many ways, including the expansion of the application of copyright laws, and subscription-based or paid-per-unit access to digital goods such as academic research and software licenses. Examples of digital commons that aim to reverse this enclosure include Wikipedia, open source software, and Creative Commons licenses.
• Data cooperatives, which are a form of cooperative that creates democratic and collective control over “the design, collection, processing, pooling, management, analysis, and/or sharing of data”. A significant emerging area of study is the use of healthcare data cooperatives, which have the potential to reduce entry and miscommunication errors in medical settings and increase the accessibility and usefulness of patients’ medical data for the patients themselves by digitizing access to information in a shared platform, and making the use of data visualization and analysis tools available to patients to understand trends and patterns in their medical data over time. Additional examples include the Chesapeake Monitoring Cooperative and MIDATA.
• Platform cooperatives, which are digital platforms (i.e. online applications or websites) that provide and/or sell goods and services and are owned and governed by its users, workers, or other stakeholders. In general, digital platforms offer an opportunity to access a strong competitive advantage for the businesses and organizations that have implemented them, particularly because of the widened access to customers and customer data that they provide. The application of the cooperative model in the context of digital platforms can help link the financial benefit and the service quality generated by a digital platform directly to the needs of its users, customers, or employees. For example, Smart.coop is a single, user-owned platform designed to connect independent creative workers in Europe to benefits and protections that are typically only available to salaried workers, such as legal council, health insurance, and unemployment benefits. Additional examples include Stocksy and The Drivers Cooperative.

• Commons
• Community wealth building
• Community wind energy
• Cooperative
• List of fan-owned sports teams
• Reclaim the Streets

• Bryden, J and Geisler, C (2007) Land Reform and Community - a ‘new wave’ land reform? Land Use Policy
• Community Owned Business This article by the American Independent Business Alliance explains the distinctions between community-owned and cooperative businesses and indexes many examples of community-owned enterprises in different business sectors.
• "Local Stock Exchanges and National Stimulus" by Michael H. Shuman, originally published in the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco's Community Development Investment Review Volume 5, Issue 2, 2009
• "Community Development Investment Review" Volume 5, Issue 2, 2009, foreword by David Erickson, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. Full review
• Could “Small Is Beautiful” Replace “Too Big to Fail?” Don Shaffer, RSF Social Finance

A community land trust (CLT) is a nonprofit, community-based corporation that owns land in trust for the benefit of a defined geographic area and manages that land over the long term on behalf of the community. CLTs typically retain ownership of the land and convey long-term ground leases to individual homeowners, housing cooperatives, nonprofit organizations or other entities that own the buildings and improvements. By separating the ownership of land from the ownership of housing and other structures, CLTs seek to preserve long-term affordability and protect community assets from speculative increases in land value.

CLTs have been used to steward a variety of community assets, including affordable owner-occupied and rental housing, community gardens, civic and cultural facilities and commercial spaces. Many CLTs describe their purpose as balancing the interests of individual leaseholders, who seek secure tenure and limited equity, with the interests of the wider community, such as maintaining affordable housing, preventing displacement and promoting racial and economic inclusion. A commonly cited structure for a "classic" CLT is a membership-based nonprofit with a tripartite board in which leaseholders, other community residents and public or professional stakeholders each hold one-third of the seats.

Since the late 20th century, CLTs have been adopted in urban, suburban and rural settings in the United States, Canada, Europe and the United Kingdom, and, more recently, parts of Latin America, Africa, Asia and Oceania. A 2024 survey cited by the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy reported more than 300 CLTs in the United States, including 308 CLTs in 48 states, the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, up from 289 in 2021.

Common land is collective land (sometimes only open to those whose nation governs the land) in which all persons have certain common rights, such as to allow their livestock to graze upon it, to collect wood, or to cut turf for fuel. A person who has a right in, or over, common land jointly with another or others is usually called a commoner.

In Great Britain, common land or former common land is usually referred to as a common; for instance, Clapham Common and Mungrisdale Common. Due to enclosure, the extent of common land is now much reduced from the hundreds of square kilometres that existed until the 17th century, but a considerable amount of common land still exists, particularly in upland areas. There are over 8,000 registered commons in England alone.

The Landworkers' Alliance (LWA) is an organisation in the United Kingdom representing small farmers, growers, foresters and land-based workers established in 2012 under the name Via Campesina UK, and incorporated 2015. The organisation campaigns for better food and land-use systems.

The organisation works internationally on topics such as food sovereignty through membership of the international peasants advocacy organisation, Via Campesina, which represents over 200 million peasants, farmers and land-based workers through 182 member organisations. The LWA is one of two organisations in the UK affiliated to Via Campesina, the other being the Scottish Crofting Federation.

They launched a manifesto for tackling rural inequality at the Oxford Real Farming Conference in 2016, and are twinned to US based Farm Hack to bring their model of supporting new farmers to the UK.

The organisation has been critical of the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra), saying that Defra is preferential to Corporate farming and Agribusiness. On 17 April 2014, the LWA held a protest outside the headquarters of Defra. In June, the LWA welcomed the dismissal of Owen Paterson as Environment Secretary.

In February 2014, The Economist hosted a summit regarding food insecurity in Africa. Only one farmer was permitted to attend the event and representatives of LWA were excluded as none of them could afford the high entry fee.

The LWA supports land reform to hinder and regulate large estates. In July 2024, the LWA held a protest against Discovery Land Company's purchase of the 8,000-acre Taymouth Castle estate to turn it into a luxury resort, and advocate for stronger regulations on large estates. The LWA said the Land Reform (Scotland) Bill going through the Scottish Parliament was not enough to curb large estates and protect the interest of locals against the "super rich".

Advocates of land reform in Britain have included the 17th-century Diggers, John Stuart Mill, Alfred Russel Wallace, and Jesse Collings. Currently the Labour Land Campaign promotes the case for a land value tax, one of the results of which would be some land reform. The Green Party of England and Wales and the Scottish Green Party support land value tax. Currently aristocrats still own a third of England and Wales.

Land ownership in the United Kingdom is distributed in a Pareto-like distribution, with a relatively small number of organisations and estates, and to a lesser extent people, owning large amounts, whether by area or value, and much larger numbers owning small amounts or no land at all.